आंबेडकरांच्या दृष्टिकोनातून राज्यघटनेची परिवर्तनशीलता

भारतीय संविधान तयार करताना आपल्या लोकशाहीला असलेल्या धोक्यांची स्पष्ट जाणीव आणि काळजी डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकरांना होती ,हे त्यांनी 25 नोव्हे. 1949 रोजी संविधान सभेसमोर केलेल्या भाषणातून दिसून येते. विद्यमान संसदीय पद्धती म्हणजेच काही लोकशाहीचा आदर्श नव्हे, संविधान परिस्थिनुसार परिवर्तनशील असले पाहिजे ,असे त्यांनी स्पष्टपणे म्हटले आहे. संविधानकर्त्यांचा अपेक्षाभंग करणारे जे काही आपल्या देशात घडते आहे त्यावर संवैधानिक संरचनात्मक उपाययोजना करण्याची प्रेरणाही त्यांनी आपल्या या व्याख्यानातून दिली आहे.  संगणक तंत्रज्ञानामुळे दररोज आपली शहरे विविध पात्र किंवा अपात्र व्यक्तींच्यादेखील वाढदिवसांच्या फलकांनी सजत असतातच; पण आज ज्या महान विभूतींच्या वेगवेगळ्या चित्रांमुळे शहर नटलेले आहे त्या डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकरांमुळे खरोखरच ‘भारतरत्न’ ह्या उपाधीचा सन्मान वाढला आहे आणि संगणक तंत्रज्ञानाचाही योग्य कारणासाठी उपयोग झाला आहे. आपल्या विद्यापीठांमधून जे वेगवेगळे अभ्यासक्रम ठेवले जातात, त्यांमध्ये किमान डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर  आधारित असे वेगवेगळे पदवी आणि पदव्युत्तर पाठ्यक्रम सुरू करावेत . ज्यांना ‘आंबेडकर’ ह्या विषयात पदवी घ्यावयाची आहे त्यांच्यासाठी बाबासाहेबांची पर्याप्त ग्रंथसंपदा उपलब्ध आहे आणि आपल्या देशाच्या व समाजाच्या जवळजवळ सर्वच पैलूंना स्पर्श करणारी त्यांची साहित्यसंपदा आहे. आजकालच्या क्रमिक पुस्तकांपेक्षा त्यांचा दर्जाही कित्येक पटींनी सरस आहे. डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांनी संविधानसभेसमोर भारतीय संविधान मांडताना दि. 25 नोव्हेंबर 1949 रोजी केलले ऐतिहासिक भाषण तरी निदान पाठ्यक्रमात जसेच्या तसे प्रादेशिक भाषांमधील अनुवादांसह तातडीने समाविष्ट करावे . ह्या भाषणाचा अनुवाद येथे देण्याचे आम्ही मुद्दामच टाळले आहे. कोणीतरी या व्याख्यानाच्या उत्कृष्ट अनुवादासाठी स्पर्धा आयोजित करावी, असे आवाहन आम्ही त्या निमित्ताने करू इच्छितो. परराष्ट्र धोरणापासून ते सामाजिक समस्यांपर्यंत बाबासाहेबांच्या सर्वस्पर्शी चिंतनाचा आढावा जर अभ्यासाच्या निमित्ताने विद्यार्थ्यांनी घेतला तर आपल्या देशाचे भवितव्य घडविण्यास ते निश्चितच साह्यभूत ठरेल. ह्या गाजलेल्या भाषणातले काही प्रेरणादायी परिच्छेद आम्ही आज मुद्दाम जसेच्या तसे उद्घृत करीत आहोत. त्यामुळे विद्यापीठांनी आमचा प्रस्ताव स्वीकारावा असे वाटणे अपेक्षित आहे. थोडा पूर्वेतिहास भारतीय संविधान घडविण्यासाठी डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर व त्यांच्या सहकार्यां नी जे कठीण परिश्रम घेतले त्याची चुणूक ह्या व्याख्यानाच्या प्रारंभापासून दिसते, ते म्हणतात; Looking back on the work of the Constituent Assembly it will now be two years, eleven months and seventeen days since it first met on the 9th of December 1946. During this period, the Constituent Assembly has altogether held eleven sessions. Out of these eleven sessions the first six were spent in passing the Objectives Resolution and the consideration of the Reports of Committees on Fundamental Rights, on Union Constitution, on Union Powers, on Provincial Constitution, on Minorities and on the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes. The seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth and the eleventh sessions were devoted to the consideration of the Draft Constitution. These eleven sessions of the Constitutent Assembly have consumed 165 days. Out of these, the Assembly spent 114 days for the consideration of the Draft Constitution. Coming to the Drafting Committee, it was elected by the Constituent Assembly on 29th August 1947. It held its first meeting on 30th August. Since August 30th it sat for 141 days during which it was engaged in the preparation of the Draft Constitution. ….. नितांत विनम्रता ‘विद्या विनयेन शोभते’ ह्या उक्तीचे डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जणू काही चालतेबोलते उदहारणच होते. त्यांच्यावर संविधान सभेने सोपविलेल्या जबाबदारीचे कसोशीने पालन करतानाच त्यांनी आपल्या सहकार्यांवच्या केेलेल्या गौरवपूर्ण उल्लेखावरून हे दिसून येते. I came into the Constituent Assembly with no greater aspiration than to safeguard the interests of the Scheduled Castes. I had not the remotest idea that I would be called upon to undertake more responsible functions. I was therefore greatly surprised when the Assembly elected me to the Drafting Committee. I was more than surprised when the Drafting Committee elected me to be its Chairman. There were in the Drafting Committee men bigger, better and more competent than myself such as my friend Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar. I am grateful to the Constituent Assembly and the Drafting Committee for reposing in me so much trust and confidence and to have chosen me as their instrument and given me this opportunity of serving the country. (Cheers.)…. The credit that is given to me does not really belong to me. It belongs partly to Sir B. N. Rau, the Constitutional Adviser to the Constituent Assembly who prepared a rough draft of the Constitution for the consideration of the Drafting Committee. A part of the credit must go to the members of the Drafting Committee who, as I have said, have sat for 141 days and without whose ingenuity to devise new formulae and capacity to tolerate and to accommodate different points of view, the task of framing the Constitution could not have come to so successful a conclusion. Much greater share of the credit must go to Mr. S. N. Mukherjee, the Chief Draftsman of the Constitution. His ability to put the most intricate proposals in the simplest and clearest legal form can rarely be equalled, nor his capacity for hard work. He has been an acquisition to the Assembly. Without his help, this Assembly would have taken many more years to finalise the Constitution. I must not omit to mention the members of the staff working under Mr. Mukherjee, for, I know how hard they have worked and how long they have toiled, sometimes even beyond midnight. I want to thank them all for their effort and their co-operation, (cheers.) …….I cannot find adequate words to express fully my gratitude to them. बाबासाहेब कधीही कॉंग्रेसमध्ये नव्हते, गांधी आणि कॉंग्रेसशी त्यांचे जाहीर मतभेद होते. कॉंग्रेस कार्यकर्त्यांनी त्यांचा धिक्कारही केला होता. तरीदेखील कॉंग्रेस पक्षाच्या संविधानसभेतील भूमिकेचे बाबासाहेबांनी उदार अंतःकरणाने कौतुक केले आहे. The task of the Drafting Committee would have been a very difficult …… by the existence of the Congress Party inside the Assembly which brought into its proceedings a sense of order and discipline. It is because of the discipline of the Congress Party that the Drafting Committee was able to pilot the Constitution in the Assembly ……. The Congress Party is, therefore, entitled to all the credit for the smooth sailing of the Draft Constitution in the Assembly. संविधानाचे यशापयश संविधानाचे यश प्रत्यक्षात ते अमलात आणणार्यांmवर अवलंबून राहील हेदेखील बाबासाहेबांनी अगदी स्पष्ट शब्दांत नमूद केले आहे. As much defence as could be offered to the Constitution has been offered by my friends Sir Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar and Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari. I shall not therefore enter into the merits of the Constitution. Because I feel, however good a Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to work it, happen to be a bad lot However bad a Constitution may be, it may rum out to be good if those who are called to work it, happen to be a good lot. The working of a Constitution does not depend wholly upon the nature of the Constitution. The Constitution can provide only the organs of State such as the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. The factors on which the working of those organs of the State depend are the people and the political parties they will set up as their instruments to carry out their wishes and their politics. Who can say how the people of India and their parties will behave ? Will they uphold constitutional methods of achieving their purposes or will they prefer revolutionary methods of achieving them ? If they adopt the revolutionary methods-, however good the Constitution may be, it requires no prophet to say that it will fail. It is, therefore, futile to pass any judgment upon the Constitution without reference to the part which the people and their parties are likely to play. तत्कालीन कम्युनिस्ट व समाजवाद्यांनी (एस.एम.जोशी, ना.ग.गोरे, जॉर्ज फर्नांडीस... इत्यादींच्या पक्षांनी) ज्या मुदद्यांवर संविधानाला विरोध केला होता त्याला त्यावेळच्या सोवियत कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतीची पार्श्वभूमी होती त्यांचा परामार्ष घेताना बाबासाहेब म्हणाले होते की, The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. ….’ The Communist Party wants a Constitution based upon the principle of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They condemn the Constitution because it is based upon parliamentary democracy. The Socialists want two things.The first thing they want is that if they come in power, the Constitution must give them the freedom to nationalize or socialize all private property without payment of compensation. The second thing that the Socialists want is that the Fundamental Rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their Party fails to come into power, they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticize, but also to overthrow the State. संविधानाची परिवर्तनशीलता भारतीय संविधानाला काही वेळा एखाद्या कट्टरपंथीयांच्या धर्मग्रंथासारखे स्वरूप देण्याचा प्रयत्न केला जातो; तथापि बाबासाहेबांनी संविधानाच्या मर्यादा अगदी स्पष्टपणे मांडल्या आहेत. I do not say that the principle of parliamentary democracy is the only ideal form of political democracy. I do not say that the principle of no acquisition of private property without compensation is so sacrosanct that there can be no departure from it. I do not say that Fundamental Rights can never be absolute and the limitations set upon them can never be lifted. What I do say is that the principles embodied in the Constitution are the views of the present generation or if you think this to be an overstatement, I say they are the views of the members of the Constituent Assembly. Why blame the Drafting Committee for embodying them in the Constitution ? I say why blame even the Members of the Constituent Assembly ? Jefferson, the great American statesman who played so great a part in the making of the American Constitution, has expressed some very weighty views which makers of Constitution, can never afford to ignore. In one place, he has said :—” We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will of the majority, to bind themselves, but none to bind the succeeding generation, more than the inhabitants of another country. “ In another place, he has said :- “ The idea that……..Yet our lawyers and priests generally ….. suppose that preceding generations held the earth more freely than we do; had a right to impose laws on us, unalterable by ourselves, and that we, in the like manner, can make laws and impose burdens on future generations, which they will have no right to alter; in fine, that the earth belongs to the dead and not the living; “ I admit that what Jefferson has said is not merely true, but is absolutely true…. I challenge any of the critics of the Constitution to prove that any Constituent Assembly anywhere in the world has, in the circumstances in which this country finds itself,…….. पुढील पिढीसाठी संविधानिक मार्गाने समस्या सोडविण्यासाठी बाबासाहेबांचे हे बहूमोल मार्गदर्शन आहे. राष्ट्रीय हिताला अग्रक्रम स्वतः एका पददलित समाजाचे प्रतिनिधित्व करतानाही बाबासाहेबांनी राष्ट्रहिताला कायम अग्रक्रम दिलेला आहे. वर्गीकृत जातिजमातींच्या उद्धाराचा उद्देश ठेवूनही आपण एका नवस्वतंत्र राष्ट्राचे संविधान घडवीत आहोत याची त्यांनी ह्या संविधान समर्पणाच्या व्याख्यानातूनही जाणीव करून दिली. A serious complaint is made on the ground that there is too much of centralization and that the States have been reduced to Municipalities. It is clear that this view is not only an exaggeration, ……. Centre cannot by its own will alter the boundary of that partition. Nor can the Judiciary. For as has been well said : “ Courts may modify, they cannot replace. They can revise earlier interpretations as new arguments, new points of view are presented, they can shift the dividing line in marginal cases, but there are barriers they cannot pass, definite assignments of power they cannot reallocate. They can give a broadening construction of existing powers, but they cannot assign to one authrority powers explicitly granted to another. भारत सरकार आणि राज्य सरकारे यांच्यातील परस्परसंबंधाचे संवैधानिक स्वरूप ठरविताना राष्ट्रीय हिताला त्यांनी विशेष प्राधान्य दिले आहे. The solution of this problem depends upon one’s answer to this question which is the crux of the problem. There can be no doubt that in the opinion of the vast majority of the people, the residual loyalty of the citizen in an emergency must be to the Centre and not to the Constituent States. For it is only the Centre which can work for a common end and for the general interests of the country as a whole. Herein lies the justification for giving to the Centre certain overriding powers to be used in an emergency. And alter all what is the obligation imposed upon the constituent States by these emergency powers ? No more than this—that in an emergency, they should take into consideration alongside their own local interests, the opinions and interests of the nation as a whole. Only those who have not understood the problem, can complain against it राष्ट्रहिताच्या विवंचनेने बाबासाहेब किती व्यग्र होते याचे प्रतिबिंब त्याच्या या व्याख्यानातदेखील उमटले आहे. Here I could have ended But my mind is so full of the future of our country that I feel I ought to take this occasion to give expression to some of my reflections thereon. On 26th January 1950, India will be an independent country (Cheers). What would happen to her independence ? Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again ? This is . the first thought that comes to my mind. It is not that India was never an independent country. बहुराष्ट्रीय पारतंत्र्याला आग्रहाने आमंत्रित करताना आपण बाबासाहेबांनी दिलेला इशारा लक्षात घेणे आवश्यक आहे. गमावलेले स्वातंत्र्य आणि लोकशाही आपण आपले स्वातंत्र्य कसे गमावले आणि लोकशाहीचे अंकुर कसे खूडून टाकले, ह्या ऐतिहासिक सत्याची बाबासाहेबांनी यावेळी आठवण करून दिली व त्या काळ्या इतिहासाची पुनरावृत्ती टाळण्याचे आवाहनही केले होते. The point is that she once lost the independence she had. Will she lose it a second time ? It is this thought which makes me most anxious for the future. What perturbs me greatly is the fact that not only India has once before lost her independence, but she lost it by the infidelity and treachery of some of her own people. In the invasion of Sind by Mahommed:Bin-Kasim, the military commanders of King Dahar accepted bribes from the agents of Mahommed-Bin-Kasim and refused to fight on the side of their King. It was Jaichand who invited Mahommed Ghori to invade India and fight against Prilhvi Raj and promised him the help of himself and the Solanki kings. When Shivaji was fighting for the liberation of Hindus, the other Maratha noblemen and the Rajput Kings were fighting the battle on the side of Moghul Emperors. When the British were trying to destroy the Sikh Rulers, Gulab Singh, their principal commander sat silent and did not help to save the Sikh kingdom. ………..Will history repeat itself ? It is this thought which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realization of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or will they place creed above country ? I do not know. But this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost for ever. This eventuality we must all resolutely guard against We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood. (Cheers.) On the 26th of January 1950, India would be a democratic country in the sense that India from that day would have a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The same thought comes to my mind. What would happen to her democratic Constitution ? Will she be able to maintain it or will she lose it again. This is the second thought that comes to my mind and makes me as anxious as the first. भगवान बुद्धांच्या ‘संघ’ ह्या सकल्पनेत लोकशाहीची तृणमुळे रुजलेली होती, हे बाबासाहेबांनी आग्रहपूर्वक सांगितले आहे. It is not that India did not know what is Democracy. There was a time when India was studded with republics, and even there where were monarchies , they were either elected or limited. They were never absolute. It. is not that India did not know Parliaments or Parliamentary Procedure. A study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only there were Parliaments—for the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments —but the Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting by Ballot, Censure Motion, Regularization, Res Jiulicata, etc. Although these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time. This democratic system India lost. Will she lose it a second time ? I do not know, but it is quite possible in a country like India—where democracy from its long disuse must be regarded as something quite new—there is danger of democracy giving place to dictatorship. It is quite possible for this new born democracy to retain its form but give place to dictatorship in fact If there is a landslide, the danger of the second possibility becoming actuality is much greater.  आभार डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांनी दि. 25 नोव्हेंबर 1949 रोजी केलेल्या ह्या भाषणातील उतारे Dr. AMBEDKAR THE PRINCIPAL ARCHITECT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIA ( Dr. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR WRITINGS AND SPEECHES, Vol- 13) या ग्रंथातून घेतले आहेत. (सदर लेख इथून संकलित केला आहे.)

लोकशाहीचा आत्मा ! संसदेचे सार्वभौमत्व मुद्धावर अण्णा हजारे यांच्या भ्रष्टाचारविरोधी जनआंदोलनाच्या निमित्ताने व्यापक चर्चा नुकतीच झाली आहे. लोकशाहीचा केवळ बाह्य आकार किंवा आकृतिबंध म्हणजे लोकशाहीचे कलेवर ठरू शकते असा इशारा बाबासाहेबांनी दिला आहे. आपल्या राज्यव्यवस्थेतील दोष दूर करण्यासाठी संवैंधानिक मार्गाचा उपयोग जास्तीत जास्त प्रभावीपणे कसा करता येईल, याचा विचार करण्याची निकड बाबासाहेबांनी प्रतिपादन केली आहे. आपल्या संविधानातील संघटन स्वातंत्र्याचा जास्तीत जास्त दूरुपयोग खुद्द सरकारचे घटक असलेल्या सरकारी निमसरकारी वेतन आयोगवाल्यांनी केला असून ते आज देशातला एक सर्वात मोठा संघटित शोषक वर्ग ठरले आहेत. त्यामुळेच आज आपण अराजकाच्या दिशेने जात आहोत की काय, अशी शंका येते 25 नोव्हेेबर 1949 च्या गाजलेल्या व्याख्यानात बाबासाहेबांनी हीच शंका व्यक्त केली होती. If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do ? The first thing in my judgment we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives. It means we must abandon the bloody methods of revolution. It means that we must abandon the method of civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha. When there was no way left for constitutional methods for achieving economic and social objectives, there was a great deal of justification for unconstitutional methods. But where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us. डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकरांचे गांधीजींशी (मोहनदास करमचंद ) वैचारिक मतभेद उघड व स्पष्ट होते. गांधीजींचा भक्तिमार्ग लोकशाहीच्या विकासासाठी घातक ठरण्याचा धोका त्यांनी त्या वेळीच वर्तविला होता. This caution is far more necessary in the case, of India than in the case of any other country, for in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship. डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकरांचे गांधीजींशी (मोहनदास करमचंद ) वैचारिक मतभेद उघड व स्पष्ट होते. गांधीजींचा भक्तिमार्ग लोकशाहीच्या विकासासाठी घातक ठरण्याचा धोका त्यांनी त्या वेळीच वर्तविला होता. This caution is far more necessary in the case, of India than in the case of any other country, for in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship. विरोधाभासात पदार्पण तत्कालीन अन्य राष्ट्रीय नेत्यांच्या तुलनेने लोकशाहीच्या पाश्चात्त्य आदर्शांच्या भारतीय संदर्भातील मर्यादांची बाबासाहेबांना सर्वात स्पष्ट जाणीव असावी, असे त्यांच्या व्याख्यानातून दिसून येते. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy. What does social democracy mean ? It means a way of life which recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items in a trinity. …They form a union of trinity …. ……We must begin by acknowledging the fact that there is complete absence of two things in Indian Society. One of these is equality. On the social plane, we have in India a society based on the principle of graded inequality which means elevation for some and degradation for others. On the economic plane, we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty. On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In Politics we will be recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions ? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life ? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this Assembly has so laboriously built up. ….. we are wanting in is recognition of the principle of fraternity. What does fraternity mean ? Fraternity means a sense of common brotherhood of all Indians—if Indians being one people. It is the principle which gives unity and solidarity to social life. It is a difficult thing to achieve.….. राष्ट्रीयत्वाचा जाज्वल्य आविष्कार आपला देश एक महान लोकशाही राष्ट्राच्या स्वरूपात पुढे यावा आणि येईल ह्या अपेक्षेने बाबासाहेबांनी संविधान घडविले. आपण ते कशा रीतीने राबवीत आहोत, त्याचे आत्मपरीक्षण आज महत्वाचे आहे. If the people of the United States could not feel that they were a nation, how difficult it is for Indians to think that they are a nation. ….. “ I am ……. believing that we are a nation, we are cherishing a great delusion How can people divided into several thousands of castes be a nation ? The sooner we realize that we are not as yet a nation in the social and psychological sense of the word, the better for us. For then only we shall realize the necessity of becoming a nation and seriously think of ways and means of realizing the goal. The realization of this goal is going to be very difficult—far more difficult than it has been in the United States. The United States has no caste problem. In India there are castes. The castes are anti-national. … But we must overcome all these difficulties if we wish to become a nation in reality. For fraternity can be a fact only when there is a nation. Without fraternity, equality and liberty will be no deeper than coats of paint. आपण लोकशाहीचा योग्य रीतीने अंगीकार केला नाही तर ते नक्षलवादाला आमंत्रण ठरेल असा गर्भित इशाराही त्यांनी दिला होता. urge for self-realization in the downtrodden classes must not be allowed to develop into a class struggle or class war. It would lead to a division of the House. That would indeed be a day of disaster. … ….. Therefore the sooner room is made for the realization of their aspiration, the better for the few, the better for the country, the better for the maintenance for its independence and the better for the continuance of its democratic structure. भारतीय संविधान आणि लोकशाहीचे जतन व संवर्धन करण्यासाठी डॉ.बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांनी विचारांची लेणी कोरून ठेवलेली आहेत ती भावी पिढीसाठी प्रेरणांचा स्रोत ठरावीन हीच अपेक्षा ! *************************************************